A Second Opinion on Medicare ‘Double Counting’

A Second Opinion on Medicare ‘Double Counting’

Myth or fact: There's no such thing as an honest Medicare budget. Why the latest blow-up over health care accounting is symptomatic of a larger problem.

“Numbers don’t speak for themselves. Every budget figure has a politics behind it, and politicians on all sides accidentally or intentionally misrepresent what the numbers mean.”Harold Pollack, chair of the University of Chicago’s Center for Health Administration Studies

The Affordable Care Act cuts the deficit. No, it adds to the deficit.

Didn’t we do this dance two years ago?

Regardless, the ACA’s budget impact — and its Congressional Budget Office score — are making headlines again, sparked by a new study from conservative scholar Charles Blahous.

Blahous has a prominent perch: He’s one of two White House-appointed trustees for Medicare. And he’s made an eye-catching contention: The CBO wonks are wrong, and ObamaCare could add as much as $527 billion to the U.S. deficit across the next decade.

But this latest debate doesn’t expose anything new about the health law.

What it does illustrate is the flawed approach to Medicare accounting — and how easy it is to gin up another fight over health spending.

Choose Your Own Budget

The sad truth is that “honest budgeting” has a weak track record in Washington. Both parties have incentives to obfuscate, especially on entitlement spending.

Take President Obama’s inaugural effort to present a transparent budget. He was excoriated for it.

(And having learned a lesson, the president’s team resumed traditional budgeting gimmicks for his second year — and fiddled with the ACA’s savings, too.)

That politically charged climate is largely why CBO has emerged as a trusted scorekeeper. In its officially unbiased role, the agency evaluated the bipartisan Balanced Budget Act of 1997 (determining that the law would cut the deficit by $127 billion over four years) and the Republican-led Deficit Reduction Act of 2005 (projecting about $99 billion in savings over a decade).

Still, CBO can’t account for future laws or unforeseen acts of Congress. And based on lawmakers’ track record, some of Congress’ provisions to cut health spending do seem, well, provisional.

For instance, health care providers successfully lobbied Congress to ignore or reverse some of the BBA’s harshest Medicare cuts more than a decade ago. More recently, lawmakers have repeatedly delayed Medicare’s planned cuts to physician payments: every time the cuts are in danger of taking effect, Congress cobbles together a patch to kick the problem down the road.

And dire warnings about the Medicare trust fund may be Washington’s biggest myth. Over the years, the fund has been near “expiration” more a dozen times.

Unsurprisingly, Medicare never goes bankrupt. Lobbying forces spring into gear, Congress enacts changes to adjust the program’s spending, and the program lives to be used in a political fight another day.

New Study Alleges CBO’s Score on ACA is Misleading

Which brings us to Blahous’ study — and whether it’s fact or fiction may depend on your politics.

The trustee’s report resurrects a set of crucial, if complex, issues from the reform debate.

In long: Blahous warns that the CBO score is based on optimistic assumptions that (1) the health law will produce its expected savings, and (2) Congress won’t overrule the planned cuts to Medicare.

Specifically, Blahous suggests that the savings from the ACA’s cuts to Medicare spending, which nominally leaves more money in the bank and extends Medicare’s solvency, are actually mythical — because they’re immediately repurposed to expand health coverage.

In short: Defenders of the ACA are double-counting the law’s savings, Blahous says.

Two Takes on Double-Counting

Policy analysts are split on Blahous’ charge. Are lawmakers actually double-counting ACA savings?

No one disputes that CBO is using the same trust fund accounting rules that it applied to the BBA in 1997 and the DRA in 2005 — in both cases, the agency assumed that Medicare savings would simultaneously cut the deficit and extend the life of the program. That’s a point that Republicans celebrated in 1997, according to Igor Volsky of the Center for American Progress.

“Conservatives are now asking the federal government to embrace a different standard of trust fund accounting rules, which look at changes over a much longer period of time,” Volsky writes.

However, Duke policy professor Don Taylor contends that the Blahous study isn’t notable for the double-counting canard.

Rather, the study’s primary issue is that Blahous has developed a new — and unrealistic — baseline that assumes Medicare’s long-term financing challenges will be miraculously solved, Taylor concludes.  Judged in that context, of course the ACA would expand the deficit.

ACA as Proxy Fight

Ultimately, this isn’t a fight over the ACA, Pollack told California Healthline — it’s a battle over Medicare politics. Essentially, “how are we going to control the cost of Medicare?” he said.

Against that backdrop, trust fund accounting does serve a purpose, warts and all. Even if lawmakers will never let Medicare go bankrupt, every dire warning “forces us to confront the problems” of health care cost growth, Pollack added.

But some warnings fall on deaf ears because of the heavily politicized reform debate. As Avik Roy notes, some of Blahous’ liberal critics have charged that his accounting is suspect because he’s a former Bush administration official.

So what numbers can we trust?        

It would be helpful if both parties agreed to accept a single CBO methodology. Pollack argues that there needs to be more independent budget analysis too, like a conservative equivalent to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

“Road to Reform” will keep our eyes peeled for a perfectly unbiased budget referee. Until then, here’s what else is happening around the nation.

Administration Actions

Challenges to Reform

Eye on the Courts

In the States

Public Opinion

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