After the ObamaCare Verdict: Who Gets the Blame?

After the ObamaCare Verdict: Who Gets the Blame?

It may not be fair to focus on winners and losers, to prioritize assigning blame rather than assigning patients to ACOs. But for the foreseeable future -- and for decades to come -- this week's events will be interpreted through a simple lens: who underprepared and who overreached in the battle over the Affordable Care Act.

By the time you read this, Washington will have ruled on the Affordable Care Act.

Oh, you may still have hours before the Supreme Court hands down its verdict, expected at 10 a.m. on Thursday. But policymakers and pundits have been crafting, drafting and even recording their statements for weeks, in anticipation of hitting “send” when the decision is announced.

(One lawmaker accidentally posted four different videos, each offering his reaction to a unique scenario, a few days early — which probably wasn’t a scenario he planned for.) There’s practically no outcome that will leave D.C. at a loss for words, or judgments.

The ACA ruling will impact millions of Americans and have drastic consequences for the health care industry. Yet for the immediate future, this week’s events will be interpreted through a simple lens: who underprepared and who overreached in the long-running battle over the Affordable Care Act.

If the Law Gets Struck

With expectations swirling that part or all of the ACA will be overturned, some lawyers are already assigning retroactive blame to Democrats, Forbes contributor Avik Roy wryly notes.

Most of the criticism centers on the controversial individual mandate, and whether Democrats were on solid legal ground in pushing the provision. But one Washington Post piece, according to Roy, “contained some hilarious complaints from prominent law professors who ought to know better.” For example, a Yale professor suggested that the Obama administration erred by not citing the Militia Acts of 1792, which requires able-bodied men to purchase a musket. That case could have been an “ace in the hole,” professor Akhil Amar told the Post, because “you’ve got George Washington signing a bill that helps you.”

Writing in the New York Times, Peter Baker similarly chronicles the Obama administration officials’ confidence that the law was constitutional. But in retrospect, “they underestimated the chances that conservative judges might … radically reinterpret or discard those precedents,” Baker writes. And although lawyers repeatedly assured the White House that the Supreme Court should rule in their favor, “Democrats have been confusing ‘should’ odds and ‘will’ odds all along,” Times bureau chief David Leonhardt told “Road to Reform” over the weekend.

But these arguments smack of revisionism. Where were these lawyers in 2009 and 2010, when the overwhelming legal consensus was that the mandate was clearly constitutional?

Only one prominent scholar — Georgetown University law professor Randy Barnett — stepped forward to repeat, again and again, that the ACA was an unprecedented abuse of congressional powers. And Barnett’s “pet cause” only became a cause célèbre for ObamaCare opponents relatively late in the process; as the ACA continued to steam ahead, Republican leaders sought new ways to delay or stop the effort, alighting on constitutionality as a last-ditch tactic.

Democrats surely deserve some blame if the law is struck; after all, it was their law. But if the ACA falls, “Road to Reform” proposes another way to zing Democrats: Once the bill became the law, did they do enough to protect it?

Previous columns have reviewed some of the options that Democrats could have deployed: They could have passed mandate-like responsibilities to the states or used a combination of alternative tactics, like modifying enrollment periods, that ultimately would have been coercive. Heck, they could have used their lame-duck Congress in 2010 to work up a potential patch, once it became clear that the ACA was a legal liability.

If the Law Stands

The end of the ObamaCare legal battle could be the beginning of a whole new saga, of course.

Some think the ACA will be re-litigated ad infinitum; one “Road to Reform” reader suggested that Florida v. HHS would become a new generation’s Roe v. Wade — a litmus test on politics, personal health and the role of the federal government. Several D.C. political staffers tell “Road to Reform” that they firmly expect a pro-ObamaCare verdict to remain in the news cycle ahead of this fall’s elections; it could be used to burnish the president’s credentials or serve as a GOP rallying point.

But it’s impossible to know what a Republican president and Congress would do if the court says the law is legal. Debating President Obama on health reform hasn’t been a winning issue for Mitt Romney, for clear reasons, so the ACA’s prominence could recede in Romney’s campaign. Republican governors may be less interested in repealing the law as state-level implementation — and new funds — continues to flow.

And a decision to uphold the law could backfire for the GOP. If most Americans feel that the verdict puts the ACA debate to rest, Republicans could be punished at the ballot box for continuing to harp on the law. And in the long eye of history, the quixotic quest to derail federal health coverage expansion may be viewed as backward-thinking as efforts to deprive some U.S. citizens of voting rights and other protections.

After the Final Verdict

With most observers anticipating a ruling against at least part of the ACA, National Journal recently polled the public on how their attitudes would change if the law gets struck down. Obama would be relatively unaffected; about two-thirds of respondents said it wouldn’t change their opinion of the president. But nearly one in three respondents would lose respect for Congress — and the Supreme Court, too.

“Road to Reform” is planning a special edition for Friday, once the Supreme Court’s decision is in hand. Won’t you join us then?

In the meantime, here’s a look at what else is happening around the nation.

Administration Actions

Effects on Consumers

Effects on Employers

Eye on the Courts

In the States

Public Opinion on the Overhaul

Rolling Out Reform

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